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Nicho-men Services
Types of linguistic forms
used by bartenders
Introduction
by Christina
IMAGINE:
On one fine night, you enter a (gay) bar that you have always wanted to go to. Upon deciding on your drink(s), you approach the bartending station to order. Think of how you would feel if you were approached in these two different ways:
「ご注文お決まりでしょうか。」 versus 「注文決めた？」
Although both of these sentences directly translate into English to “Have you decided on your order?”, the former elevates your position in the social context while the latter brings you closer.
As referred to on the previous page, service providers in bars and clubs alike can create intimacy with their customers through different actions such as letting customers change the music (i.e., via the transgression of the bar/clubs’ territoriality), shaking hands (i.e., through the use of proxemics–which will be discussed more in the next page), as well as conversing with the visitors.
Mentioning the last action–conversing–different people are spoken to and speak in various ways depending on the social context. In linguistics, the term ‘register’, refers to the type of language used under the said context. In short, being able to use assorted language registers is essential to social interaction.
Registers include:
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Intonation (the rise and fall of the voice in speaking) used
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Specific words and phrases used when one speaks.
Agha (2007) writes that labels to describe differences among speech forms (e.g., polite language versus slang) link speech repertoires to typifications of actor, relationship, as well as conduct. With this in mind, it is worthy of note that members of a language community “cannot identify all its registers with equal ease, let alone use them with equal fluency” (Agha, 2007, p. 23). In other words, the individual’s speech repertoire (i.e., registers, dialects, accents, etc…) defines their register competence, one which is often linked to asymmetries of power, socioeconomic class, position within hierarchies and the like.
As exemplified in the scenario above, this section will demonstrate how linguistic registers of bartenders can elevate or demote, bring in (into the uchi) or keep out (at the soto) the interlocutor. Concurrently, these linguistic forms are also in a sense another way of expressing one’s sexuality, regardless of whether it is performative or not. To note, instances are case-by-case scenarios.
Registers
In the English language, there are 5 main register forms:
Although the 5 registers above refer specifically to the English language, they could also be applied to Japanese conversations. However, such an application is more complex.
Casual and Intimate Registers
In most observed places, the use of a casual register was most prominent:
As will be examined below, the content, as well as the lack of honourifics (keigo) by sticking to the basic form of the verb (e.g., 好き), may be considered in Japanese as a ‘casual’ conversation taken between friends.
However, switches to intimate register were also heard.
Guil (2009), writes that the use of diminutive suffix in Spanish or hypocorism (‘pet names’)–such as señorito in the scenario above–are rarely used for men, apart from within the family or otherwise very intimate contexts.
While señora and señorita address the marital status of a woman, señorito designates a man who is “young, well-to-do and idle” (Guil, 2009, p. 156)
Honourifics: Keigo (敬語)
Related to the point above regarding the type of register, the use of Japanese honourifics, keigo, is significant in both elevating or demoting as well as making closer or keeping at a distance, the customer.
The use of です・ます調 and bikago (美化語) by adding prefixes, as underscored above is also part of an honourific form. Thus, considering the seniority of both the older bartender and the patron, the younger bartender elevated but also kept the patron’s position in the conversation at a distance out of respect; the lack thereof by the older bartender–as well as Takeshi in the previous scenario–indicates bringing the patron closer into the uchi of the community of the bar/club.
O-ne-Kotoba (おネエ言葉 )
The Japanese language is claimed to feature separate linguistic genres for women and men, who are assigned to different societal roles and responsibilities: women utilise onna kotoba or joseigo (女性語, women’s language) whereas men utilise otoko kotoba or danseigo (男性語, men’s language). However, o-ne-kotoba is specifically referred to as the usage, particularly by a mama-san (the [female] bar owner) who welcomes customers using a feminine style but in an assertive manner (Abe, 2010). However, it should be noted that not all gay bars utilise o-ne-kotoba, as it is linguistically stereotyped and is negatively viewed by other bartenders (Abe, 2010).
Fushimi Noriaki (as cited in Abe, 2010) points to the exaggeration of o-ne-kotoba, an important aspect of the language. Although it could be seen on one hand as abusive language (毒舌), it could also on the flip side be seen as what Sunagawa (2015) described as performative expression:「観光バーにおけるオネエ言葉を中心とした振る舞いは、客(特にノンケキャ客)の視線に媒介される性質を持ち、「ゲイとしての演出性」と呼ぶことができる」 [“Services in tourist bar that centres around the use of o-ne-kotoba is a result of adopting the heterosexual expectation, thus can be called as ‘performative as a gay’) [emphasis added] (p.159). As there is a tolerance of heterosexual clients outside of the LGBTQ community, Nature-y! Bar provides an opportunity for people to meet and socialise with o-ne and okama people. But to receive profit from these clients, they are reinforcing stereotypes not only through appearance but also through the linguistic form as a means of entertainment.
Considering the unequal dramaturgy and the limited commodification process of human emotion, appearance, and sexuality as introduced on the previous page, “some bartenders practice code-switching between gender-appropriate and gender-inappropriate speech styles and take great pleasure in the linguistic freedom this entails” [emphasis added] (Abe, 2010, p. 100).
Furthermore, taking into account that o-ne-kotoba is used, in this case, with camp humour, it could be claimed that it is instead a strategy to entertain and make customers laugh, bringing the patrons closer to the uchi through their inclusion in the inside jokes as well as okama/o-ne culture.
Vocabulary: Use of lingo
Underscored in Expression of Sexualities, the use of some cultural terms of the LGBTQ community can be understood to draw a line between homosexuals and heterosexuals. In relation to what Agha (2007) stated about how members cannot identify and use registers equally in comparison to others, bringing these lingos to use in a casual conversation could also be seen as an opening for the patron to be part of the uchi; that is, an instance of sharing the district’s cultural knowledge.
Read more on other forms of Expression of Sexualities.
Conclusion
By analysing the linguistic forms used by bartenders, it could be demonstrated how some bars in Ni-chome, aim to create intimacy with their customers by bringing them closer to the uchi through several strategies: lessening the use of honourifics, using exaggerated and ironic language to create the inside jokes with the patron, as well as sharing cultural knowledge necessary for one to orient themselves in the district. However, it could also be a performative reinforcement of their sexual orientation, bringing entertainment and laughter, such as through o-ne-kotoba. Thus, linguistic registers are an integral part of understanding the objective of these bartenders, who are in a conflict of interest in representing themselves or the company.
Sections
Ni-cho(men) services